To be clear, the fate of Donald John Trump’s diabolical campaign for president of the United States was most likely sealed after his first calamitous presidential debate against Hillary Clinton last month at Hofstra University in New York. That was the debate where it was revealed Trump had repeatedly, “fat shamed,” a former Ms. Universe (1996), Alicia Machado. A day or two after the debate, Trump continued to attack Machado launching one of his infamous Twitter tirades, with prurient fervor at 3 a.m., obsessing over a non-existent “sex tape.”

But, a few days before the second presidential debate at Washington University in St. Louis, the “Access Hollywood” tape from 2005 was released, where Trump bragged with perverted glee about being able to sexually assault women, grab them by the vagina (he used another word), with impunity.

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Sean Yoes

From the time he descended the escalator of Trump Tower to announce his candidacy in June of 2015, and in the process condemn a huge swath of the Mexican people as rapists and murderers, to him creepily stalking behind Clinton on the debate stage in St. Louis, Trump has crafted dozens of transgressions. Any one singularly would have killed the campaign of just about any other presidential candidate in modern history.

However, when Trump metaphorically upended the pedestal of pristine White womanhood, with his so-called, “locker room talk,” that was the death blow.

Even Trump, who exists within the hermetically sealed, “alt right,” universe of White paranoia, victimization and privilege (the latter two seem antithetical), where Trump is god-like and beyond reproach, even he knows he’s done.

He fears he may be destined for an Election Day blowout of mythic proportions, perhaps landing somewhere between Lyndon Baines Johnson’s defeat of Barry Goldwater in 1964 and Ronald Reagan’s demolition of Walter Mondale in 1984.

So, he has made the calculated decision to simply burn the damn house down before November 8.

On Sunday Trump tweeted: “The election is absolutely being rigged by the dishonest and distorted media pushing Crooked Hillary — but also at many polling places — SAD.”

But, earlier this month, at a rally in front of a rabid, nearly all-White crowd in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania (where he is losing to Clinton in the pivotal Philadelphia suburbs by nearly 30 points), Trump made his disparagement of the electoral process plain.

“We have to make sure the people of Philadelphia are protected that the vote counts are 100%. Everybody wants that, but I hear these horror shows. I hear these horror shows and we have to make sure that this election is not stolen from us and is not taken away from us. And everybody knows what I’m talking about,” Trump said.

Yup, we sure do.

What you are saying, in essence, Mr. Trump is, “If we Whites are not vigilant, the niggers will steal this election.” That’s pretty much what you are saying.

It is a tired narrative that falls in lockstep with the overarching themes of anti-intellectualism, misinformation and outright lies, of the Trump campaign, because there is virtually no evidence of modern American election rigging.

In fact, according to a study by Justin Levitt, a professor at the Loyola Law School, Los Angeles, and a widely acknowledged expert in constitutional law and the Democratic electoral process, since 2000,  there has been 31 credible incidents of voter fraud in a billion votes cast. Thirty-one incidents out of a billion votes.

Further, with 31 Republican U.S. governors including the battleground states of Florida, Ohio and North Carolina, the advantage is clearly with the Republican Party at the state level where the electoral battle is ultimately won or lost.

The United States has engaged in an uninterrupted, peaceful transfer of power since 1789. “It is the loser of the election that validates the results for the winner,” said veteran Republican strategist Steve Schmidt, who was presidential campaign manager for Sen. John McCain in 2008.

If Trump indeed loses spectacularly on November 8th, which seems almost inevitable, a peaceful transfer of power could very well be imperiled.

I recently saw Rep. Maxine Waters, the democratic firebrand from Los Angeles go in on Trump on one of the cable news networks.

“He’s a liar…he doesn’t believe in this country,” Waters said. “Who is this man?” Over the last 14 months Trump has made it abundantly clear who and what he is. Perhaps the more perplexing question is, who are the millions of people who support him and will vote for him no matter what?

Sean Yoes is a senior contributor for the AFRO and host and executive producer of “AFRO First Edition,” which airs Monday through Friday, 5 p.m. to 7 p.m. on WEAA 88.9.

 

Sean Yoes

AFRO Baltimore Editor